Monday, March 31, 2008

Comment on "Why Hillary caries on" by Kornacaki

click212 (not verified) says:

The simple reason this time around is the insidious, unreasonable and blatant hatred of Hillary has consumed the media, pundits and white middle class liberals.

I have also noticed in my precinct convention here in Texas that a healthy part of the Obama contingency are white racists males who don't circulate or mingle with blacks and their counter parts, middle aged women who are so wound up that it is obvious they are there just to vote against Clinton. Come November they will guarantee McCain's victory.

This obvious trend is overlooked by blacks and their cohorts the liberal whites who welcome this invasion just to get Obama to win without looking ahead at November. The hostility between these groups is palpable. This is exactly what is wrong with the Democratic Party, they have no focus on what it takes to win in November. The blathering by endorsers who are just playing back room politics, to get back at Bill Clinton for sifting the Party to the center back then and taking away their thunder is why the Democrats will lose again and again. This time it will split the party.

Imagine the lack of vision Howard Dean has that he didn't have the insight to sit down with Obama and tell him that he needs more substantial experience beneath his belt. Dean threw Hillary to the lions without any party unity. The real losers are as always the voters since some really good candidates where thrown under the bus, e.g., Kucinch, Edwards, and Gravel. Instead of the losers past and present put their eggs in one basket.

Come November, Pastor Wright, Rezko and Michelle Obama's thoughtless tongue will be running against McCain. Welcome to any four years of stupid government. And why because this dog and pony show that the Democrats are running is just more of the same. Obama is just another sleazy politician and if his magnanimous statement this past week about allowing Hillary to run is as ridiculous as the rest of his dog and pony show.

This reveals the need for the Democratic Party as as whole to set rules down especially here in Texas that to vote in a primary you need to be a Party member. As an independent I voted Democrat and I know that a substantial number of Republicans here voted for Obama just to knock Hillary out of the race.

Also the delegate system here is easily manipulated to favor which ever campaign can bully their way, by cheating and changing the rules as they go, e.g., combining precincts under the pretense that some precincts are too small and creating chaos at the precinct conventions this I have witness first hand from the Obamaoids. A young white college male contesting an Hispanic older male for position as a delegate to the state convention, is just another example of these shenanigans. His reason "He's a first time voter and feels he has a right to participate nationally." What is that? Blatant arrogance.

It would be wise to nationalize the entire electoral system, one person, one vote.

From Washington Post

Obama, McCain Forged Fleeting Alliance
Efforts to Collaborate on Ethics Reform Fell Apart Within a Week

By Paul Kane
Washington Post Staff Writer
Monday, March 31, 2008; A01

A year into his tenure on Capitol Hill, Barack Obama (D-Ill.) approached John McCain on the Senate floor to propose the two work together on a lobbying and ethics reform bill. The four-term Arizona Republican, 25 years Obama's senior, quickly saw a willing apprentice to help shake up the way business was done on Capitol Hill.

"I like him; he's probably got a great future. We can do some work together," McCain confided to his top staffer.

Instead, what began as a promising collaboration between two men bent on burnishing their reformist credentials collapsed after barely a week. The McCain-Obama relationship came undone amid charges and countercharges, all aired publicly two years ago in an exchange of stark and angry letters. Obama questioned whether McCain sided with GOP leaders rather than searching for a bipartisan solution; McCain accused Obama of "typical rhetorical gloss" and "self interested partisan posturing" by a newcomer seeking to ingratiate himself with party leaders.

"Please be assured I won't make the same mistake again," McCain wrote Obama on Feb. 6, 2006.

It was the first, and only, time the two ever tried extensively working together.

More than two years later, with McCain and Obama potentially poised to go head to head in a presidential campaign with stakes far greater than regulating who picks up steakhouse tabs, the reform fight has emerged as a looking-glass moment of what a fall campaign could resemble.

McCain's backers view it as emblematic of Obama's ability to talk grand ideas and aspirations, but also of his ultimate failure to produce substantive results. Obama's supporters contend that the moment was vintage Obama, with the newcomer defusing the feud with a cool demeanor that allowed him to claim the high ground while rolling up his sleeves to eventually help pass a broader ethics overhaul bill in August 2007.

"There was a little bit of grandstanding there [by Obama] that made it difficult to get a bipartisan effort," said former senator Trent Lott (R-Miss.), a McCain backer deeply involved in the failed push for ethics and lobbying reform in 2006. "This idea that, as president, he's going to be able to reach across the aisle -- there's very thin gruel that would indicate that."

"Senator Obama has every right to tout his role in that legislation," said Sen. Russell Feingold (D-Wis.), a supporter of the senator from Illinois who has often worked with McCain on reform issues. "He wasn't showboating. He was trying to get things done."

Officially, both presidential campaigns downplay the significance of the encounter, saying that the two enjoy a cordial relationship and attributing the fact that they have not since found occasion to work together to time constraints and assignments on different committees. But their first tentative campaign jousting this year suggests that both men walked away from that initial encounter with doubts about the other's sincerity, in contrast with the working relationship built up over this decade between McCain and Obama's remaining Democratic rival, Sen. Hillary Rodham Clinton (N.Y.).

On the stump Obama mocks McCain's maverick image, saying McCain "fell in line" with Republican orthodoxy on tax cuts after initially opposing the $1.3 trillion tax-cut plan in 2001. He tweaks McCain for surrounding himself with lobbyists as advisers, arguing that presidential ambition has trumped his reformer convictions.

"Somewhere along the line, the Straight Talk Express lost some wheels," Obama said in January during a Democratic debate.

And McCain's camp has relentlessly questioned what Obama, 46, has done that has prepared him for the presidency.

"He really doesn't have any accomplishments. It's not a slight against Obama; he's only been in the Senate for a few years, and most of that time he was running for president," Mark Salter, McCain's former chief of staff and now senior campaign adviser, said in an interview.

In January 2006, McCain and Obama looked like natural allies. Jack Abramoff, the Republican lobbyist whose actions had been exposed largely by the work of a committee headed by McCain, had recently pleaded guilty to bribing members of Congress.

Senate Republicans turned to McCain, whose credentials on the topic were solidified after his campaign finance bill became law in 2002, to help craft their ethics legislation. Democratic leaders turned to the freshest face they could find, making Obama their point man in a chamber he had served in for 12 months.

Obama had worked to cultivate a reformist image, leading an overhaul of ethics rules in the Illinois state Senate. His well-received speech at the 2004 Democratic convention made him a big draw on the campaign trail, and he hopscotched around the nation on nearly two dozen flights on corporate jets campaigning for fellow Democrats, paying only the cost of a first-class ticket for each trip. Recognizing the downside of allowing corporations to do favors that could boost his political standing, he unilaterally ended the practice in late 2005 -- about the same time McCain, another frequent flier on corporate jets, imposed a similar ban before new Senate rules barred the practice.

When Obama approached McCain to talk about working together, the veteran recalled his first days in the House in 1983, when Rep. Morris Udall (D-Ariz.) took McCain under his wing, according to Salter. "He never forgot that."

McCain personally invited Obama to attend a February 2006 bipartisan meeting of senators. Democrats say the meeting went well and there were no signs of animosity, but some Republicans contend that Obama delivered what amounted to a high-handed speech about the culture of corruption without wanting to delve into legislative detail.

Obama was "talking more than was justified," said Lott, who was chairman of the Rules and Administration Committee at the time. "Maybe there was a little bit of pettiness on the other side."

Obama would later recall later that McCain thanked him "several times" for attending and pledged to work with the freshman.

The Arizonan, however, lost faith in Obama the next day.

Obama dashed off a letter -- promptly released to the media -- that suggested McCain, who was already considering a presidential run, had "expressed an interest" in creating a task force to study the issue. But, Obama wrote, "the more effective and more timely" route was to move a bill quickly through Senate committees.

McCain struck back at what he saw as the newcomer questioning his bona fides on reform issues. He derided Obama as a stalking horse for Sen. Harry M. Reid (D-Nev.), the party leader who had vowed to make GOP corruption issues the central plank of the 2006 midterm elections.

"He's sending you a press release/letter for his leader," Salter recalled telling McCain. "He did something that you just don't do."

Days later McCain, an avid baseball fan, told Salter to draft in response the equivalent of a pitcher throwing at the batter's head to rattle him. "He told me to brush him back. . . . You don't do things like that," Salter said.

Salter admitted his stinging letter "probably put too much English on it." The missive was quickly released to the media.

"I would like to apologize to you for assuming that your private assurances to me . . . were sincere," McCain's letter began.

Within hours Obama fired back his own message, calling McCain's statements "regrettable" because "you have now questioned my sincerity."

Obama backers said his handling of the issue showed that, despite being largely untested on the national stage, he was not afraid to throw a political counterpunch, even at a veteran such as McCain, and that he was able to do so without reverting to the kind of angry response McCain used. "Let me assure you that I am not interested in typical partisan rhetoric or posturing," Obama wrote McCain.

Serendipitously, the two men appeared two days later next to each other to testify about reform proposals before Lott's committee, during which Obama sought to defuse the spat. He began his testimony by thanking "my new pen pal, John McCain" for his efforts on the ethics legislation. The committee room erupted in laughter.

In the end, Obama and McCain ended up on the outside looking in as Lott and leaders from both parties crafted a softened ethics package. It passed the Senate on a 90 to 8 vote on March 29, 2006. Obama and McCain -- who wanted tougher legislation banning corporate flights and requiring the disclosure of lobbyists bundling donations from their clients, among other items -- were among the eight "nay" votes.

"Everybody was posing for holy pictures. It was a lousy piece of legislation," Feingold said, praising Obama for voting no even though his entire leadership supported it.

The bill died as the House and Senate deadlocked over their differing versions. Soon after the 2006 elections removed Republicans from power, Reid, now majority leader, brought Feingold and Obama back into the reform effort. By mid-January 2007, on a 96 to 2 vote, the Senate had approved a tougher ethics bill that included a total ban on gifts and meals, outlawed cheap rides on corporate jets and provided more lobbyist disclosure -- almost every provision Obama and McCain had pushed for a year earlier. Both the House and Senate approved the final bill last summer.

In his floor speech Aug. 2, Obama noted that he and Feingold worked to make a tougher bill than the 2006 version, and offered only faint praise to McCain. "Last year, I and Senator Feingold and Senator McCain voted against it because we thought we could do better. So in January, I came back with Senator Feingold and we set a high bar for reform. And I'm pleased to report that the bill before us today comes very close to what we proposed."

McCain opposed the final bill, saying it did not go far enough to prevent special-interest earmarked spending provisions in legislation.

From Newsweek

The Curious Lives of Surrogates

Thousands of largely invisible American women have given birth to other people's babies. Many are married to men in the military.

Lorraine Ali and Raina Kelley
NEWSWEEK
Updated: 2:55 PM ET Mar 29, 2008

Jennifer Cantor, a 34-year-old surgical nurse from Huntsville, Ala., loves being pregnant. Not having children, necessarily—she has one, an 8-year-old daughter named Dahlia, and has no plans for another—but just the experience of growing a human being beneath her heart. She was fascinated with the idea of it when she was a child, spending an entire two-week vacation, at the age of 11, with a pillow stuffed under her shirt. She's built perfectly for it: six feet tall, fit and slender but broad-hipped. Which is why she found herself two weeks ago in a birthing room in a hospital in Huntsville, swollen with two six-pound boys she had been carrying for eight months. Also in the room was Kerry Smith and his wife, Lisa, running her hands over the little lumps beneath the taut skin of Cantor's belly. "That's an elbow," said Cantor, who knew how the babies were lying in her womb. "Here's a foot." Lisa smiled proudly at her husband. She is, after all, the twins' mother.

It is an act of love, but also a financial transaction, that brings people together like this. For Kerry and for Lisa—who had a hysterectomy at the age of 20 and could never bear her own children—the benefits are obvious: Ethan and Jonathan, healthy six-pound, 12-ounce boys born by C-section on March 20. But what about Cantor? She was paid, of course; the Smiths declined to discuss the exact amount, but typically, surrogacy agreements in the United States involve payments of $20,000 to $25,000 to the woman who bears the child. She enjoyed the somewhat naughty pleasure of telling strangers who asked about her pregnancy, "Oh, they aren't mine," which invariably invoked the question, "Did you have sex with the father?" (In case anyone is wondering, Lisa's eggs were fertilized in vitro with Kerry's sperm before they were implanted on about day five.)

But what kind of woman would carry a child to term, only to hand him over moments after birth? Surrogates challenge our most basic ideas about motherhood, and call into question what we've always thought of as an unbreakable bond between mother and child. It's no wonder many conservative Christians decry the practice as tampering with the miracle of life, while far-left feminists liken gestational carriers to prostitutes who degrade themselves by renting out their bodies. Some medical ethicists describe the process of arranging surrogacy as "baby brokering," while rumors circulate that self-obsessed, shallow New Yorkers have their babies by surrogate to avoid stretch marks. Much of Europe bans the practice, and 12 states, including New York, New Jersey and Michigan, refuse to recognize surrogacy contracts. But in the past five years, four states—Texas, Illinois, Utah and Florida—have passed laws legalizing surrogacy, and Minnesota is considering doing the same. More than a dozen states, including Pennsylvania, Massachusetts and, most notably, California, specifically legalize and regulate the practice.

Today, a greater acceptance of the practice, and advances in science, find more women than ever before having babies for those who cannot. In the course of reporting this story, we discovered that many of these women are military wives who have taken on surrogacy to supplement the family income, some while their husbands are serving overseas. Several agencies reported a significant increase in the number of wives of soldiers and naval personnel applying to be surrogates since the invasion of Iraq in 2003. At the high end, industry experts estimate there were about 1,000 surrogate births in the United States last year, while the Society for Assisted Reproductive Technology (SART)—the only organization that makes an effort to track surrogate births—counted about 260 in 2006, a 30 percent increase over three years. But the number is surely much higher than this—in just five of the agencies NEWSWEEK spoke to, there were 400 surrogate births in 2007. The numbers vary because at least 15 percent of clinics—and there are dozens of them across the United States—don't report numbers to SART. Private agreements made outside an agency aren't counted, and the figures do not factor in pregnancies in which one of the intended parents does not provide the egg—for example, where the baby will be raised by a gay male couple. Even though the cost to the intended parents, including medical and legal bills, runs from $40,000 to $120,000, the demand for qualified surrogates is well ahead of supply.

Another reason for the rise in surrogacies is that technology has made them safer and more likely to succeed. Clinics such as Genetics & IVF Institute in Virginia, where Cantor and the Smiths underwent their IVF cycles, now boast a 70 to 90 percent pregnancy success rate—up 40 percent in the past decade. Rather than just putting an egg into a petri dish with thousands of sperm and hoping for a match, embryologists can inject a single sperm directly into the egg. The great majority of clinics can now test embryos for genetic diseases before implantation. It's revolutionizing the way clinics treat patients. Ric Ross, lab director at La Jolla IVF in San Diego, says these advances have helped "drop IVF miscarriage rates by 85 percent."

IVF has been around only since the 1970s, but the idea of one woman bearing a baby for another is as old as civilization. Surrogacy was regulated in the Code of Hammurabi, dating from 1800 B.C., and appears several times in the Hebrew Bible. In the 16th chapter of Genesis, the infertile Sarah gives her servant, Hagar, to her husband, Abraham, to bear a child for them. Later, Jacob fathers children by the maids of his wives Leah and Rachel, who raise them as their own. It is also possible to view the story of Jesus' birth as a case of surrogacy, mediated not by a lawyer but an angel, though in that instance the birth mother did raise the baby.

The most celebrated case of late, though, resulted in the legal and ethical morass known as the "Baby M" affair. Mary Beth Whitehead, age 29 in 1986, gave birth to a girl she had agreed to carry for an infertile couple. But Whitehead was also the baby's biological mother and tried to keep her after the birth, leading to a two-year custody battle. (In the end, she was denied custody but awarded visitation rights.) As a result, surrogacy agreements now almost always stipulate that the woman who carries the baby cannot also donate the egg.

But even as surrogacy is becoming less of a "Jerry Springer" spectacle and more of a viable family option for those who can afford it, the culture still stereotypes surrogates as either hicks or opportunists whose ethics could use some fine-tuning. Even pop culture has bought into the caricature. In the upcoming feature film "Baby Mama," a single businesswoman (Tina Fey) is told by a doctor she is infertile. She hires a working-class gal (Amy Poehler) to be her surrogate. The client is a savvy, smart and well-to-do health-store-chain exec while Poehler is an unemployed, deceitful wild child who wants easy money.

When Fey's character refers to her surrogate as "white trash," we're supposed to laugh. "I just don't understand how they can think that," says surrogate Gina Scanlon of the stereotypes that influenced the film. Scanlon, 40, is a married mother of three who lives in Pittsburgh. Scanlon is also a working artist and illustrator who gave birth to twin girls for a gay New Jersey couple 18 months ago. The couple—a college professor and a certified public accountant—chose Scanlon because she was "emotionally stable," with a husband and children of her own. Unlike egg donors, who are usually in their 20s, healthy women as old as 40 can serve as surrogates; Scanlon two weeks ago underwent an embryo transfer and is now pregnant again for a new set of intended parents. "Poor or desperate women wouldn't qualify [with surrogacy agencies]," she says. As for the implication that surrogates are in it only for the money, she notes that there are many easier jobs than carrying a baby 24 hours a day, seven days a week. (And most jobs don't run the risk of making you throw up for weeks at a time, or keep you from drinking if you feel like it.) "If you broke it down by the hour," Scanlon says wryly, "it would barely be minimum wage. I mean, have [these detractors] ever met a gestational carrier?" And even if they have, how would they know?

Very little is understood about the world of the surrogate. That's why we talked to dozens of women across America who are, or have been, gestational carriers. What we found is surprising and defies stereotyping. The experiences of this vast group of women—including a single mom from Murrietta, Calif., a military spouse from Glen Burnie, Md., and a small-business owner from Dallas—range from the wonderful and life-affirming to the heart-rending. One surrogate, Scanlon, is the godmother of the twins she bore, while another still struggles because she has little contact with the baby she once carried. Some resent being told what to eat or drink; others feel more responsible bearing someone else's child than they did with their own. Their motivations are varied: one upper-middle-class carrier in California said that as a child she watched a family member suffer with infertility and wished she could help. A working-class surrogate from Idaho said it was the only way her family could afford things they never could before, like a $6,000 trip to Disney World. But all were agreed that the grueling IVF treatments, morning sickness, bed rest, C-sections and stretch marks were worth it once they saw their intended parent hold the child, or children (multiples are common with IVF), for the first time. "Being a surrogate is like giving an organ transplant to someone," says Jennifer Cantor, "only before you die, and you actually get to see their joy."

That sense of empowerment and self-worth is one of the greatest rewards surrogate mothers experience. "I felt like, 'What else am I going to do with my life that means so much?' " says Amber Boersma, 30, of Wausau, Wis. She is blond, outgoing and six months pregnant with twins for a couple on the East Coast who could not bear children on their own due to a hysterectomy. Boersma, married to a pharmaceutical rep, is a stay-at-home mom with a 6-year-old girl and 4-year-old boy, and a college graduate with a communications degree. "Some people can be successful in a major career, but I thought I do not want to go through this life meaning nothing, and I want to do something substantial for someone else. I want to make a difference."

Then there's the money. Military wife Gernisha Myers, 24, says she was looking through the local San Diego PennySaver circular for a job when she saw the listing: "Surrogate Mothers Wanted! Up to $20,000 Compensation!" The full-time mother of two thought it would be a great way to make money from home, and it would give her that sense of purpose she'd lacked since she left her job as an X-ray technician in Phoenix. In 2004, Myers and her husband, Tim, a petty officer third class in the Navy, were transferred from Arizona to California. Ever since, she missed bringing home a paycheck, helping other people—and being pregnant. She loved the feel of her belly with a baby inside, and the natural high that comes from "all those rushing hormones." So last fall she signed with one of the many surrogacy agencies near the 32nd Street Naval Station, where her husband is assigned. Her grandmother was not pleased with Myers's decision. "She said, 'Gernisha! We just do not do that in this family'," recalls Myers. "My uncle even said he was disgusted. But you know what? I'm OK with it because I know I am doing something good for somebody else. I am giving another couple what they could never have on their own—a family."

Like Myers, military wives are largely young stay-at-home moms who've completed their own families before they hit 28. IVF clinics and surrogate agencies in Texas and California say military spouses make up 50 percent of their carriers. "In the military, we have that mentality of going to extremes, fighting for your country, risking your life," says Jennifer Hansen, 25, a paralegal who's married to Army Sgt. Chase Hansen. They live in Lincoln, Neb., and have two young kids, and Chase has been deployed to Iraq for two of the past five years. "I think that being married to someone in the military embeds those values in you. I feel I'm taking a risk now, in less of a way than he is, but still a risk with my life and body to help someone." Surrogate agencies target the population by dropping leaflets in the mailboxes of military housing complexes, such as those around San Diego's Camp Pendleton, and placing ads in on-base publications such as the Military Times and Military Spouse. Now surrogate agencies say they are solicited by ad reps from these publications. Military wives who do decide to become surrogates can earn more with one pregnancy than their husbands' annual base pay (which ranges for new enlistees from $16,080 to $28,900). "Military wives can't sink their teeth into a career because they have to move around so much," says Melissa Brisman of New Jersey, a lawyer who specializes in reproductive and family issues, and heads the largest surrogacy firm on the East Coast. "But they still want to contribute, do something positive. And being a carrier only takes a year—that gives them enough time between postings."

Dawne Dill, 32, was a high-school English teacher before she married her husband, Travis, a Navy chief, and settled in Maryland. She's now a full-time mother with two boys of her own, and is carrying twins for a European couple who prefer to remain anonymous. Dill is due in May. The attraction of surrogacy for her, apart from wanting to feel useful, was that the money could help pay for an occupational-therapy gym for her older son, who is autistic. "We're thinking of building the gym in our basement so he can get to it whenever he needs," says Dill. She worried that having an autistic child might disqualify her as a surrogate, but fortunately the agency was unconcerned. "They said because I was not genetically related to the twins, that it was just not an issue, and my IPs [intended parents] never brought it up to me personally. I assume they're OK with it, but maybe think it's too touchy of a subject to discuss openly with me," says Dill. As a prepartum gift, the couple sent Dawne and her husband to the Super Bowl.

Military wives are attractive candidates because of their health insurance, Tricare, which is provided by three different companies—Humana, TriWest and Health Net Federal Services—and has some of the most comprehensive coverage for surrogates in the industry. Fertility agencies know this, and may offer a potential surrogate with this health plan an extra $5,000. Last year military officials asked for a provision in the 2008 defense authorization bill to cut off coverage for any medical procedures related to surrogate pregnancy. They were unsuccessful—there are no real data on how much the government spends on these cases. Tricare suggests that surrogate mothers who receive payment for their pregnancy should declare the amount they're receiving, which can then be deducted from their coverage. But since paid carriers have no incentive to say anything, most don't. "I was told by multiple people—congressional staff, doctors and even ordinary taxpayers—that they overheard conversations of women bragging about how easy it was to use Tricare coverage to finance surrogacy and delivery costs and make money on the side," says Navy Capt. Patricia Buss, who recently left the Defense Department and now holds a senior position with Health Net Federal Services. The subject of Tricare surrogacy coverage is becoming a hot topic throughout the military world; on Web sites such as militarySOS .com, bloggers with sign-on names such as "Ms. Ordinance" and "ProudArmyWife" fiercely debate the subject.

Surrogacy is not just an American debate—it is global. Thanks to reproductive science, Gernisha Myers, who is African-American, is now 18 weeks pregnant with the twins of Karin and Lars, a white couple who live in Germany. They are one of many international couples who turned to America to solve their infertility issues because surrogacy is not allowed in their own country. Couples have come to the United States from many countries, including Iceland, Canada, France, Japan, Saudi Arabia, Israel, Australia, Spain and Dubai in recent years. Although some couples are now turning to India for cheaper fertility solutions—yes, even surrogacy is being outsourced at a tenth of the price—the trend has yet to diminish America's draw as a baby mecca.

Karin and Lars picked Myers after they read her agency profile. Myers says that the psychological screening is one of the most grueling, invasive and odd parts of the process. "The [questionnaire] asked some weird questions, like 'Do you think about killing people sometimes?' Or 'Would you want to be a mountain ranger if you could?' Or 'Do you find yourself happier than most?' But when they asked 'Are you afraid you're going to get attached to the babies?' I said, 'In a way, yes, even though I know they're not mine.' They said, 'Believe it or not, some GCs [gestational carriers] never feel any kind of bond.' I found that hard to believe back then, but now I know what they're talking about. I don't feel that motherly bond. I feel more like a caring babysitter."

Myers's psychological detachment has a lot to do with the fact that, like most carriers today, she's in no way biologically related to the baby inside her—the legacy of the "Baby M" case. The most recent significant case involving a surrogacy dispute, Johnson v. Calvert in 1993, was resolved in favor of the intended parents, and against a surrogate who wanted to keep the baby. John Weltman, president of Circle Surrogacy in Boston, says that parents who work with a reputable agency have a "99 percent chance of getting a baby and a 100 percent chance of keeping it." But up until just about two years ago, Weltman says every single intended parent asked, "Will she [the carrier] try and keep the baby?" Now, he says, a third of his clients don't even mention it.

That doesn't mean that it's gotten any easier for the surrogate to give up the baby. Most gestational carriers say it is still the hardest part of the job, and some have a rougher time than others. Gina Scanlon recalls the days after the birth of her first pair of surrogate twins: "When you go home it's so quiet," she says. "The crash comes. It's not the baby blues. It's not postpartum depression. It's that the performance is over. I was practically a celebrity during the pregnancy—someone was always asking me questions. After I had them, no one was calling. Now nobody cares. You're out. You're done. It's the most vain thing. I felt guilty and selfish and egotistical."

Stephanie Scott also found that life after surrogacy was not what she expected, especially since everything hummed along so nicely when she was pregnant. Seven and a half months in, she was feeling great—all except for those damn nesting urges. The stay-at-home mom tried to stay out of the baby stores and avoid those sweet pink onesies and baby booties shaped like tiny ballet slippers—but it was near impossible to resist. Her mind-set should have served as a warning. Although she knew the baby in her swollen belly belonged to a couple on the East Coast, she hadn't prepared herself for that biological surge that keeps stores like Babies "R" Us in business. "I showed up to the delivery room with six months' worth of baby clothes," admits Scott, 28. "They ended up being my gift to the baby's intended parents. Sort of like a baby shower in reverse. I know, it's weird." But that was nothing compared to the childbirth: "When she was born, they handed her to me for a second," she says. "I couldn't look, so I closed my eyes tight, counted 10 fingers and 10 toes, then gave her away. I cried for a month straight. I was devastated."

The baby Scott gave birth to is now 3, and photos of the toddler come twice a year, on the child's birthday and Christmas. Scott says she thinks things would have been different had she been counseled more by the agency on attachment issues, but it was a small and less than professional operation (and there are plenty of those in the unregulated world of surrogacy agencies). It's one of the reasons Scott opened her own business in Dallas, Simple Surrogacy. "I would never just throw a girl out there like that. Surrogates need to know what lies ahead."

Any comprehensive road map of surrogacy should include not just potential attachment but an entire pull-down sheet on the second most difficult area of terrain: the relationship between surrogate and intended parent. The intentions and expectations of both parties are supposed to be ironed out ahead of time through a series of agency questionnaires and meetings. What kind of bond do they seek with one another—distant, friendly, close? Do they agree on difficult moral issues, like abortion and selective termination? And what requests do the IPs have of potential carriers? The parties are then matched by the agency, just as singles would be through a dating service. And the intended parents—or parent—are as diverse as the surrogates: gay, straight, single, married, young and old. Much of the time it works, even though it does often resemble an experiment in cross-cultural studies. "In what other world would you find a conservative military wife forming a close bond with a gay couple from Paris?" says Hilary Hanafin, chief psychologist for the oldest agency in the country, Center for Surrogate Parenting. And a good match doesn't necessarily equal a tight connection like that of Jennifer Cantor's and Lisa Smith's. Christina Slason, 29, who delivered a boy in January for same-sex partners from Mexico City, felt as the couple did—that a close relationship was not necessary. "We agreed that we would keep in touch, but neither of us felt the need to really bond," says Slason, a mother of three who lives in San Diego with her husband, Joseph, a Navy corpsman. "We were there to have a baby, nothing more. We were all clear on that."

But things are not always that clear. For Joseph, a single father from Massachusetts who asked to be identified only by his first name for privacy reasons, the process of finding a suitable surrogate on his own was frustrating, particularly when the first match got cold feet and pulled out. Intended parents Tamara and Joe Bove were troubled when the carrier for their triplets refused to go on bed rest even when a doctor advised her the babies' lives would be at risk if she did not: "She had delivered monstrously large twins vaginally before, even though one of them was breech. So she was kind of surprised that this could happen to her and just wouldn't cooperate." Tamara was plagued with worry. "Our plan was to keep in touch even after the babies were born, but then she stopped listening to the doctors. But you still have to keep acting like everything is fine because she's in control until the babies are born." (Despite Tamara's worries, the triplets were born healthy at 31 weeks via a C-section.)

Control, not surprisingly, is a sore point. A favorite pastime among surrogates—most of whom join support groups at the request of their agencies—is sharing stories of the most bizarre IP requests they've heard. One military surrogate was told if her husband was deployed anywhere in Asia, she was not to have sex with him when he returned for fear that he was unfaithful and carrying an STD.

Jennifer Hansen, the surrogate from Nebraska, says she had a few requests from her intended parents that were odd to her "as a Midwestern girl." Hansen says she's been asked not to pump her own gas. "They believe it leads to miscarriage," she says. "I've also been asked to change my cleaning supplies to all green, natural products. I'm a Clorox girl, and have no idea where to even buy these products. So they just box them up and send them to me from California." What most surrogates don't realize, according to Margaret Little, a professor of philosophy at Georgetown University and fellow at the Kennedy School of Ethics, is that the contracts governing their conduct during the pregnancy are not enforceable. She does have to surrender the baby once he's born, but cannot be forced to have (or not have) an abortion, or to obey restrictions on what she can eat, drink or do. The intended parents' only recourse is to withhold payment; they cannot police her conduct. "Surrogacy raises important red flags," Little says, "because you are selling use of the body, and historically when that's happened, that hasn't been good for women."

On the other hand, other agencies reported that some concerned surrogates have pumped and shipped their breast milk to the intended parents weeks after the birth out of fear that the newborn will not build a strong immune system without it.

As for Jennifer Cantor, resting at home last week after delivering Jonathan and Ethan, she intends to stay in touch with the family whose lives are now inextricably bound up with hers. Before returning to their home in Georgia, Lisa and Kerry brought the twins for a visit with the stranger who bore them, and with Cantor's daughter, Dahlia, whose relationship to them doesn't even have a word in the language yet. Lisa described her babies as "the true meaning of life … absolutely perfect." Next time they're hoping for girls. They're also hoping to find someone like Cantor—who, however, does not plan to be a surrogate again, much as she enjoyed it. She is relieved that she can sit normally and put her arms around Dahlia again, without a big belly in between them. She was happy that she had been able to fulfill her dream of bearing a child for someone else. "It was exactly," she said last week, "the experience I imagined it would be."

Sunday, March 30, 2008

From Yahoo news

Sweden closes doors to fleeing Iraqis

By LOUISE NORDSTROM, Associated Press WriterSun Mar 30, 2:19 PM ET

The fear of being sent back to Baghdad has taken its toll on Mustafa Aziz Alwi.

He says he cannot sleep and has lost about 20 pounds since his claim for asylum in Sweden was rejected in January.

"They told me it's because it's calmer in Iraq now, that I can go back and be happy. But they don't know that it's death there," said Aziz Alwi, 25, wiping away tears in an interview at his cousin's apartment in the Stockholm suburb of Sollentuna.

Had his case been decided a year earlier, he would probably already hold a residence permit. Sweden has given shelter to about 100,000 Iraqis, 40,000 of them since the U.S.-led invasion in 2003. That's far more than any other Western country including the U.S., which admitted just over 1,600 Iraqi refugees in the 2007 fiscal year, nearly 400 short of the annual goal of 2,000, and a big reduction from an initial target of 7,000.

But Sweden has gradually tightened its asylum rules, worried that its generous welfare system can't cope.

The effects became evident this year, when immigration statistics obtained by The Associated Press showed only 28 percent of the claims were approved in January and 23 percent in February — down from 85 percent in January 2007.

While Sweden has won praise for the welcome it extends to Iraqis, the government sees the surge of newcomers as out of control and has appealed in vain to fellow European Union states to share the burden.

"We find it totally unacceptable that some countries do a lot while others do very little," Migration Minister Tobias Billstrom told the AP.

"When very many people arrive within a very short period of time, it puts an enormous strain on the system, like schools and health care," he said.

In 2007, more than 18,000 Iraqis applied for asylum in Sweden — four times more than in Germany and 10 times more than in Britain, according to figures compiled by the European Council of Refugees and Exiles, an advocacy group.

But the numbers dropped sharply this year, with only 835 asylum-seekers coming to Sweden in February — down nearly 40 percent from the previous month to the lowest level since July 2006. In the first three weeks of March, only 376 Iraqis sought asylum in Sweden, suggesting the downward trend continues.

"Unfortunately we're not surprised," said Bjarte Vandvik, Secretary-General of the European Council of Refugees and Exiles. "It was going to happen sooner or later. The lack of solidarity in Europe ... has had this very unfortunate effect."

Sweden's turning point came last July when the Migration Board, citing decisions by the nation's highest immigration court, said the situation in Iraq could not be described as an armed conflict.

As a result, asylum-seekers now must show that they have fled specific threats of violence; general turmoil is no longer sufficient grounds.

Some international refugee experts say they've noticed a recent drop in refugees both inside and outside Iraq as security there has improved.

The U.N. Refugee Agency estimates that around 2.5 million people are displaced within Iraq, while another 2 million have fled to neighboring Arab countries.

Only about 1 percent have sought asylum in industrialized countries, the U.N. said. Of those, Sweden stands out.

The country of 9.1 million emerged as the favored Western destination for Iraqis in 2006. The general unrest in Iraq was reason enough to win a residence permit.

The industrial city of Sodertalje, 22 miles south of Stockholm, exemplifies the result.

Nicknamed "little Baghdad," Sodertalje is home to more than 6,000 Iraqis — mainly Christians — who account for about 7 percent of the city's population. The result, say city officials, is an acute shortage of housing, schools and jobs.

"There are examples of 15 people living in a two-bedroom apartment," said Sodertalje Mayor Anders Lago, who has been invited to talk about the city's Iraqi refugees to the U.S. Congress next month.

"Sweden needs immigration. It's a small country with a low birthrate, but we have to be able to receive people in a humane and dignified way — and we're not doing that right now when they have to sleep on mattresses on the floor," he said.

In Sollentuna, Aziz Alwi said one of his brothers was murdered by kidnappers in Iraq, and he himself narrowly escaped a kidnapping attempt.

The Migration Board did not buy his story, describing it as a "reconstruction."

If the decision is upheld on appeal, Swedish authorities can deport him to Iraq — by force if necessary. The two countries signed a deal last month to facilitate the return of Iraqis who are denied shelter in Sweden.

"If the police come to get me," he said, "I will fight them with all that I have."

___

Associated Press writers Karl Ritter and Sara Sundelius contributed to this report.

Saturday, March 29, 2008

Yahoo news

Sydney goes dark for Earth Hour
By TANALEE SMITH, Associated Press WriterSat Mar 29, 7:41 AM ET
Sydney's iconic Opera House and Harbour Bridge went dark Saturday night as the world's first major city turned off its lights for this year's Earth Hour, a global campaign to raise awareness of climate change.
A lightning show was the brightest part of Sydney's skyline during Earth Hour, which began at 8 p.m. when the lights were turned off at the city's landmarks. Most businesses and homes were already dark as Sydney residents embraced their second annual Earth Hour with candlelight dinners, beach bonfires and even a green-powered outdoor movie.
"This provides an extraordinary symbol and an indication that we can be part of the solution" to global warming, Australian Environment Minister Peter Garrett told Sky News television, standing across the harbor from the dark silhouette of the Opera House.
Garrett said government offices and national monuments around the country participated in Earth Hour.
"We're not only talking the talk, we're walking the walk," he said as the hour ended. "Whatever your view is about the magnitude of the problem ... we can save money by using energy wisely and efficiently, and that gives us the added bonus of reduced greenhouse gas emissions."
During the one-hour event, Sydney was noticeably darker, though it was not a complete blackout. The business district was mostly dark; organizers said 250 of the 350 commercial buildings there had pledged to shut off their lights completely, and 94 of the top 100 companies on the Australian stock exchange were also participating.
The number of participants was not immediately available but organizers were hoping to beat last year's debut, when 2.2 million people and more than 2,000 businesses shut off lights and appliances, resulting in a 10.2 percent reduction in carbon emissions during that hour.
"I'm putting my neck on the line but my hope is that we top 100 million people," Earth Hour Australia chief executive Greg Bourne said.
The effect of last year's Earth Hour was infectious. This year 26 major world cities and more than 300 other cities and towns have signed up to participate.
New Zealand and Fiji kicked off the event this year. In Christchurch, New Zealand, more than 100 businesses and thousands of homes were plunged into darkness, computers and televisions were switched off and dinners delayed for the hour from 8 to 9 p.m. Suva, Fiji, in the same time zone, also turned off its lights.
Auckland's Langham Hotel switched from electric lights to candles as it joined the effort to reduce the use of electricity, which when generated creates greenhouse gases that contribute to global warming.
Australians had their own unique ways to mark the blackout as the clock struck 8 across the nation; one bar was offering free beers to customers who arrived with a black balloon to signify their carbon footprint; staff at beach bar donned solar-powered caps; a bed and breakfast offered candlelight cooking lessons; a children's hospital hosted a pajama party for its patients.
Following Australia, lights will go out in major Asian cities including Manila and Bangkok before moving to Europe and North America as the clock ticks on. One of the last major cities to participate will be San Francisco — home to the soon-to-be dimmed Golden Gate Bridge.
Organizers see the event as a way to encourage the world to conserve energy. While all lights in participating cities are unlikely to be cut, it is the symbolic darkening of monuments, businesses and individual homes they are most eagerly anticipating.
Even popular search engine Google put its support behind Earth Hour, with a completely black page and the words: "We've turned the lights out. Now it's your turn."
"Earth Hour is a call to action," Sydney's Lord Mayor Clover Moore said at the official launch ceremony. "People have now responded and it's time to introduce some significant long-term changes."
Australians have embraced Earth Hour and other environmental initiatives. The nation of around 21 million people is ranked as the world's worst greenhouse gas emitter per capita, largely because of its heavy reliance on coal-fired power stations. New Prime Minister Kevin Rudd has made the environment one of his priorities, signing the Kyoto Protocol on fighting global warming soon after taking office late last year

From National Journal


POLITICAL CONNECTIONS The Cost Of Stalemate
By Ronald Brownstein, NationalJournal.com© National Journal Group Inc.Friday, March 28, 2008
John McCain will effectively begin his general election campaign next week. In the process, he will highlight the real cost of the Democrats' inability to end their primary campaign.
By focusing so relentlessly inward, the Democrats are providing McCain an open field to reintroduce himself.
The question that Democrats ask most is whether their party will unite this fall after the bruising struggle between Sens. Barack Obama and Hillary Rodham Clinton. That's a legitimate concern but probably not the most urgent one for Democrats. The larger issue is whether the party can recover from squandering its opportunity to shape the general election debate before McCain does.
Next week, McCain will make his first systematic attempt to frame that debate. His campaign has arranged a weeklong tour to highlight arguably his greatest political asset: his compelling personal story as the son of a distinguished military family, a Navy flier, and a prisoner of war in Vietnam. On a sentimental journey, McCain will tour a Navy facility in Mississippi named for his grandfather, the Naval Academy in Annapolis, and naval bases in Pensacola and Jacksonville, where he trained as a flier, led a flight squadron, and returned after being freed from captivity in Hanoi.
At each stop, aides say, McCain will talk about a value that shaped him, such as service or education, and how he would incorporate that principle into his presidency. "At each place we will speak to a value that John McCain took away from his life experience revolving around that place," a senior campaign adviser said. "We will tie past to present to future."
Later this spring, McCain plans to fill in his economic agenda, partly by visiting troubled rural and inner-city communities where he will deliver a conservative empowerment message reminiscent of that of former Rep. Jack Kemp, R-N.Y., who is now advising him.
If the past month is any guide, while McCain lays down these markers, Obama and Clinton will be gouging each other. In the past few days, Democrats have witnessed one prominent Obama supporter liken former President Bill Clinton to Joseph McCarthy and one prominent Clintonite liken New Mexico Gov. Bill Richardson to Judas (for endorsing Obama). The Clinton campaign says that Obama can't be trusted as commander-in-chief, and the Obama campaign says that Hillary Clinton can't be trusted, period. Each Democratic candidate is now providing so many lacerating quotes about the other that Republican ad-writers may not need to do much more this fall than cut and paste. Even more important, by focusing so relentlessly inward, the Democrats are providing McCain an open field to re-introduce himself.
This spring might have looked very different, as a new study of the candidates' finances from George Washington University's Campaign Finance Institute suggests. In February alone, Obama and Clinton collected a combined $90 million, dwarfing McCain's $11 million. Through his entire campaign, McCain has raised $66 million compared with Clinton's $174 million and Obama's $197 million. The disparity is even greater among small donors, who are rapidly becoming the critical engine of presidential financing. Obama and Clinton last month collected nearly $48 million in donations of $200 or less. For McCain the tally was just over $2 million. Every 30 hours, the two Democrats raised as much from small donors as McCain did all month.
If Democrats were now training this financial advantage on McCain rather than each other, they could be bombarding swing states with ads challenging his open-ended commitment to maintaining American troops in Iraq, or his March 25 speech rejecting new federal assistance for homeowners facing foreclosure. Because McCain ended February with nearly as much debt as cash, he would have struggled to respond. Democrats might have defined McCain before he could define himself -- as Bill Clinton did so devastatingly to Bob Dole in 1996. Instead, as the Democratic conflict escalates, Gallup this week found that a strikingly high percentage of Clinton backers (28 percent) and Obama voters (19 percent) say they will support McCain if the other Democrat wins.
Obama supporters, with understandable frustration, say that Clinton should do the delegate math and concede. But Obama couldn't expand his coalition enough to win Texas or Ohio, where he might have forced Clinton out, and he's trailing again in Pennsylvania, where he could again slam the door. Each candidate is contributing to the spring stalemate that may loom as the decisive missed opportunity if the fall turns chillier than Democrats expect.
-- Ronald Brownstein is the political director of Atlantic Media Co. and the author of "The Second Civil War: How Extreme Partisanship Has Paralyzed Washington and Polarized America." His weekly column, "Political Connections," focuses on the intersection of politics and policy. His e-mail address is rbrownstein@nationaljournal.com.
[ Political Connections

Friday, March 28, 2008

From Punchng

Published 3/28/2008 12:34:00 PM
Obasanjo breached due process – Okonjo-Iweala, Ezekwesili
John Ameh, Abuja
There were more shocking revelations on Thursday as a former Minister of Finance, Dr. Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala, and her counterpart in charge of the Ministry of Education, Mrs. Obiageli Ezekwesili, testified before the House of Representatives Committee on Power and Steel in Abuja.
Okonjo-Iweala is currently a Managing Director of the World Bank, while Ezekwesili is the bank’s Vice-President (Africa).
The committee, headed by Mr. Ndudi Elumelu, is investigating how the administration of former President Olusegun Obasanjo spent about $16bn on the power sector between 1999 and 2007 without result.
The steering committee for the National Integrated Power Projects, headed by the Governor of Cross River State, Senator Liyel Imoke, paid $1.5bn on the NIPP in 2005 following presidential approval.
Imoke headed a presidential committee on power generation and was later made minister of power.
However, Okonjo-Iweala, who was the finance minister between July 2003 and June 2006 told the committee that as at the time she left the office, only $857m was disbursed to her knowledge.
The $857m paid left a balance of about $643m, which the former minister admitted, was disbursed after she left office.
She said, “Honourable chairman of the committee, let me not try to defend what I am not aware of.
“I didn’t know that a different thing was submitted to you,” she stated, when she was confronted with a memo duly authenticated by Imoke, then the Minister of Power and Steel.”
She told the committee that when a decision was taken to fund the NIPP from the Excess Crude Account, the three tiers of government agreed to set aside $2.5bn for the projects.
“However, from what I later read in the media, about $3bn or more was quoted as the amount spent.
“Well, I am not in a position to defend that because the bulk of the releases for the projects were done after I had left office,” she added.
According to her, the payment of the $857m was done without due process certification because Obasanjo “instructed” that the certification for the projects should be waived.
Explaining how the waiver was done, Okonjo-Iweala told the panel that Imoke raised a memo to Obasanjo requesting the waiver because of the urgency needed to execute the projects.
She said, “Thereafter, I acted on instructions from Mr. President (Obasanjo); the letter was passed to me conveying the decision to waive the certification, and the ministry acted.
“Questions that are beyond me will have to be asked elsewhere; because as a minister of finance, I was a member of the Federal Executive Council and a minister of the Federal Republic.
“I did not oversee any power projects; I absolutely know nothing about the contracts.
“The ministry of power and steel handled the contracts; so they are in the best position to explain.”
The former minister denied the claims made by Imoke that she was the accounting officer for the NIPP. Okonjo-Iweala said that the power and steel ministry, which initiated the projects, should be held accountable for their failure.
At his appearance last week, Imoke had claimed that Okonjo-Iweala was the accounting officer for the NIPP as the finance minister.
She said the finance ministry made funds available for projects based on the instructions and approvals before it, but could not answer questions for the inappropriate use of the money.
Asked about her feelings on the huge funds spent on power without commensurate results, she replied, “It’s a very big disadvantage to the country; I too will like to know what came out of those huge expenditures.
“This morning, I had to rely on a generator where I stayed; so, I am interested in what happened; that is where your committee comes in.”
She gave a breakdown of the budgetary allocations to the power ministry between 2004 and 2006, besides the money set aside for the NIPP.
In 2004, N54.6bn was voted for capital projects (N54.5bn released); recurrent expenditure was N4.3bn (N4.1bn released).
In 2005, the figure for capital expenditure was N91.1bn (N71.8bn released); while recurrent expenditure was N2.1bn (N3.6bn released).
For 2006, she said capital expenditure was N74.7bn (N74.7bn released); while recurrent expenditure was N3.3bn (N3.1bn).
In her own testimony, Ezekwesili admitted that there was no provision for waivers in the document which set out the ideals of due process.
She said, “We did not consider that any Federal Government project should be waived.
“That, for me, was an uncompromising stance.”
Ezekwesili, however, absolved herself of blame from the waivers Obasanjo granted, saying she had left the Due Process Office by the time the decision was taken.
Asked whether a company that was not registered by the Corporate Affairs Commission was qualified to be awarded contracts, she said that a “company without registration does not exist in the first place.”
The CAC confirmed two weeks ago that 34 of the firms that won the NIPP projects were not registered.
The committee and Ezekwesili had a long debate over the actual amount spent on the power sector between 1999 and 2007.
She insisted that it was $4bn and not the $16bn quoted by the panel, arguing that she would stick to the figure of the Central Bank of Nigeria ($4bn).
But when she was reminded that the CBN only quoted the figure released from its accounts and not from other government accounts lodged in other banks, the former minister stood her ground.

Thursday, March 27, 2008

From reuters

Print | Close this window

Clinton backers warn Pelosi on superdelegate rift

Thu Mar 27, 2008 6:39am EDT

By John Whitesides, Political Correspondent

WASHINGTON (Reuters) - A group of prominent Hillary Clinton donors sent a letter to House of Representatives Speaker Nancy Pelosi on Wednesday asking her to retract her comments on superdelegates and stay out of the Democratic fight over their role in the presidential race.

The 20 prominent Clinton supporters told Pelosi she should "clarify" recent statements to make it clear superdelegates -- nearly 800 party insiders and elected officials who are free to back any candidate -- could support the candidate they think would be the best nominee.

Pelosi has not publicly endorsed either Clinton or Barack Obama in their hotly contested White House battle, but she recently said superdelegates should support whoever emerges from the nomination contests with the most pledged delegates -- which appears almost certain to be Obama.

"This is an untenable position that runs counter to the party's intent in establishing superdelegates in 1984," the letter from the wealthy Clinton backers said.

"Superdelegates, like all delegates, have an obligation to make an informed, individual decision about whom to support and who would be the party's strongest nominee," said the letter signed by some of Clinton's biggest fund raisers.

Superdelegates have emerged as likely kingmakers in the fight between Clinton and Obama. The letter was another sign of growing Democratic tension over their nominating battle.

Neither candidate is expected to have enough pledged delegates won in state-by-state contests to clinch the nomination when voting ends in June, leaving the choice in the hands of the superdelegates.

Both candidates have wooed them heavily, with Obama contending they should follow the will of Democratic voters and Clinton arguing they should vote for the candidate with the best chance of winning the presidential election in November -- which she says is her.

Among the signees of the letter were prominent Democrats and Clinton supporters like Robert Johnson, founder of Black Entertainment Television; Bernard Schwartz, former chairman of Loral Space and Communications; and venture capitalist Steven Rattner.

The signees reminded the House leader from California of their support for the party's House campaign committee and said "therefore" she should "reflect in your comments a more open view" about superdelegates.

"We appreciate your activities in support of the Democratic Party and your leadership role in the party and hope you will be responsive to some of your major enthusiastic supporters," the letter said.

The Obama campaign said the Illinois senator would support the election efforts of House Democrats no matter what the outcome of the nomination fight.

"This letter is inappropriate and we hope the Clinton campaign will reject the insinuation contained in it," Obama spokesman Bill Burton said.

Clinton spokesman Phil Singer said Clinton had made the case superdelegates should exercise independent judgment about who would be the best for the party and the country.

"Few have done more to build the Democratic Party than Bill and Hillary Clinton. The last thing they need is a lecture from the Obama campaign," he said.

(Editing by Cynthia Osterman)

(To read more about the U.S. political campaign, visit Reuters "Tales from the Trail: 2008" online at http:blogs.reuters.com/trail08/)

Wednesday, March 26, 2008

From BBCnews

How long can Cameroon's Biya rule?
By Patrick Smith
Editor, Africa Confidential

Having ruled for 25 years, President Paul Biya wants to go on ruling until 2018, when he will be 85.

The constitution decrees that he cannot stand for a further seven-year term in the 2011 elections.

Although there are dissenters in the ruling party, President Biya would not have much trouble persuading his parliament to pass the necessary constitutional amendment, since he controls it through his iron grip on the Cameroon People's Democratic Movement (RDPC).

Some observers fear that Cameroon might replicate the troubles of Ivory Coast and Kenya.

The violence in its larger towns late last month was the worst for 15 years.

The rioters were ostensibly protesting against fuel price rises but a slight reduction in prices after two days of strikes did not calm things down and the protests became overtly political.

Mboua Massock ("father of the ghost towns"), who helped to organise nationwide anti-government protests in the early 1990s, had led previous demonstrations against the proposed constitutional changes. He was promptly arrested.


Cameroon is a volcano waiting to erupt
Ruling party supporter Charles Ateba

The weak, but sometimes noisy official opposition, led by the Anglophone John Fru Ndi of the Social Democratic Front (SDF), is united in its opposition to any constitutional change. So too are most of Cameroon's numerous civil society organisations.

After some looting and destruction, the police and later the army responded in the way they know best, by shooting down demonstrators: 20 were killed during a week of protests. This is how Mr Biya and his government have reacted to public protest for 20 years.

When protests against the constitutional change started, the Governor of Littoral Province, Fai Yengo Francis, banned all demonstrations in Douala, the economic capital.

The protesters responded by erecting barricades, destroying government property and looting.

As during the anti-government strikes of the early 1990s, Gilbert Tsimi Evouna, Government Delegate to the Yaounde Urban Council, put into circulation 20 taxis to cripple the core of the protest, the taxi-drivers' strike.

Information control

The regime vigorously blocked public information.

Communications Minister Jean-Pierre Biyiti Bi Essam sent soldiers to close down two private radio and television stations, Equinoxe in Douala and Magic FM in Yaounde.

He claimed that neither had paid the 100 million CFA francs ($200,000) required for an operating licence.

Equinoxe Editor-in-Chief Charles Akoh said the stations had been shut for being too critical of the government crackdown on peaceful demonstrators; the minister summoned newspaper editors and threatened to close them down, too, if they went on criticising the government.

On state radio and television at the height of the crisis, Mr Biya accused the opposition of trying "to obtain through violence what they were unable to obtain through the ballot box'" and threatened "legal action" against anyone fomenting trouble.

Mr Fru Ndi denied any involvement in organising the demonstrations but said he supported the protests against the "illegal increase in fuel prices".

Transport union officials called the demonstrations but failed to control their consequences.

Many demonstrators acknowledged that the strike had given them an opportunity to vent their anger about other grievances.

Successor?

The presidential succession is particularly problematic, because Mr Biya is not grooming a successor.

After a failed coup d'état in 1984, Bello Bouba Maigari, then prime minister and probable presidential successor, was fired and the post scrapped.

From the Northern Province, Bello Bouba was accused of supporting former President Ahmadou Ahidjo (another northerner), who was in turn accused of staging the coup.

Mr Bouba fled to neighbouring Nigeria but came back and is now Minister for Posts and Telecommunications. Critics are rare and soon silenced.

Titus Edzoa, who had been secretary general at the Presidency and a presidential confidant, resigned as health minister in 1997 to stand in the presidential election, was promptly arrested and is serving 15 years in jail for embezzling state funds.

Ayissi Mvondo, who aimed to run against Mr Biya, died under mysterious circumstances. Celestin Monga, an economist, challenged the president's failing economic policies, was promptly put on trial, escaped with a suspended sentence and now lives abroad.

Mila Assoute also challenged Mr Biya and now lives in France.

Opposition leaders are called unpatriotic if they criticise the president.

Last month, President Biya accused them of manipulating youths to destroy property and called them "demons".

Standing for election against Mr Biya is not a rational move, since local and foreign observers consistently describe his elections as "flawed".

Charles Ateba, a supporter of the ruling party who opposes any constitutional amendment to make Mr Biya president for life, describes Cameroon as "a volcano waiting to erupt".

Adamou Ndam Njoya, leader of the opposition Democratic Union of Cameroon, believes the country is on the brink of civil strife.

Political pundit (and former SDF Secretary General) Tazoacha Asonganyi sees similarities between the violence that followed elections in Kenya and events in Cameroon. Yet there are big differences.

Mr Biya has held power far longer and has entrenched it far deeper than Kenya's Mwai Kibaki, who was originally democratically elected.

Cameroon has no powerful opposition leader (ethnically based or otherwise) such as Raila Odinga. Yet many of the ingredients for an eventual explosion are in place.

A full version of this article appears in Africa Confidential , a fortnightly bulletin on African affairs.

From RCP

Clinton & Obama Need to Cool It or Lose It

By Bob Beckel

Two things have become obvious about the state of the Democratic nomination for president. The first is that the stars haven'�'t been better aligned for Democrats to win the White House since FDR crushed Hoover in 1932. The second is that six more weeks of attacks and counterattacks between the Clinton and Obama campaigns will move them perilously close to accomplishing the otherwise unimaginable job of giving the Republicans another term in the White House.

Just this past week, Clinton supporter James Carville called Bill Richardson�''s endorsement of Barack Obama on Good Friday a Judas-like �"act of betrayal�". Not to be outdone, Obama supporter and former Air Force chief of staff Tony McPeak accused Bill Clinton of McCarthyism.

What�''s painful about these almost daily negative exchanges is that they're not going to alter the outcome of any of the remaining contests. All they do is stir up hostilities between both camps, making it increasingly difficult to unite the party behind the eventual winner.

The demographic support base for both Obama and Clinton settled in months ago and is unlikely to change in the remaining 10 contests. Once demographic trends develop and repeat themselves over several primary elections they are extremely difficult to change. Barring some unforeseen events, those demographic patterns make the outcome in the coming weeks predictable:

*Clinton will win Pennsylvania, West Virginia, and Kentucky -- states which are in line with her base; heavily blue collar, lower income, and with large numbers of older voters.

*Obama will win North Carolina with its large black population and concentrations of upscale professional voters, and Oregon, home to large numbers of educated, higher-income voters with a younger electorate. Also, expect Obama to win the primaries in both South Dakota and Montana.

*Indiana remains a wildcard since its Democratic base is more inclined toward Clinton, but it shares the Chicago media market with Obama and permits independents to vote.

*In open primaries the winner probably won'�'t exceed 55% of the vote. Clinton could win up to 60% in Pennsylvania and Kentucky since both are limited to Democrats. Oregon is a closed primary but Obama should exceed 55%.

*Clinton could win the popular vote in Puerto Rico by a significant margin.

Put this all together and Clinton could gain a net of 30 additional pledged delegates with a potential popular vote margin of 400,000. Obama currently leads by 168 pledged delegates and 700,000 popular votes. Assuming the outcome outlined above, Obama will have won more pledged delegates, more states (29-19), and slightly more popular votes when the voting ends in early June.

That leaves Florida and Michigan. Obama could (and should) resolve this mess in the next few days by accepting current proposals that would give each delegation half a vote per delegate, accept the current delegate result in Florida and split delegates in Michigan. Clinton would be hard pressed to reject this proposal, both states would embrace it, and Obama would gain some much needed goodwill, while the impact on his delegate lead would be minimal.

But despite the evidence, Clinton still believes she can win the nomination by persuading enough superdelegates that Obama is unelectable. (Under the scenario above she would need 70% of the 355 undecided superdelegates to buy her argument.) That is an unrealistic dream, but that happens in presidential campaigns. After 2 years of 18-hour days, candidates and campaign operatives are never ready to concede the obvious. Heck, there was a point in late October 1984 when I thought that with a few more weeks Mondale could have beaten Reagan.

To succeed at this delusion Clinton will need to ratchet up attacks on Obama. That will not alter the outcome, but it will have serious and negative consequences for the general election and for Clinton�''s political future. There is little time or margin for error before the damage becomes irreparable.

Most importantly, further Clinton attacks (and the Obama counterattacks) will deprive Democrats of their last opportunity to put together an Obama/Clinton ticket, which is their best resource to beat McCain. To watch that possibility slip away because of futile attacks that will not alter the outcome is painful. Both candidates need to step back, without their suicidal campaign advisers, and consider the advantages of running together.

First, Obama needs Clinton. She relates to the party�''s blue-collar voters that have yet to be inspired by Obama'�'s call for change. When the Republicans start �""swift-boating"�" Obama, who more experienced in dealing with the bullies than Hillary Clinton? She has a history of taking her critics to the woodshed.

Second, Clinton on the ticket would increase female turnout a good 5 percentage points. That, coupled with Obama�''s ability to increase turnout among black voters and younger voters, should insure a majority vote in November. Of the 126 million voters who went to the polls in 2004, 40% declared themselves Republicans. Only 35% do today.

Finally, George Bush got 40% of the Hispanic vote in 2004. The Republicans' anti-immigrant stupidity coupled with Clinton�''s appeal to Hispanics will drop the Hispanic GOP vote to under 30%.

Put this all together, package it with a bad economy and an unpopular war in Iraq, and you have 350-plus electoral votes within reach.

Senator Clinton has run a gutsy campaign and risen from the political graveyard several times. By all means Clinton should finish the race, win more states, reject calls that it�''s over, and continue to show no interest in the vice presidency. And of course, Obama could make a fatal mistake of some kind. All that�''s fine as long as she doesn�''t run a scorched-earth strategy on Obama.

But first Clinton needs to accept the fact that continuing to attack Obama will a) not help her gain additional delegates; b) make the general election much more difficult for the Democratic nominee whoever it is; c) not result in more superdelegates; d) make party unity very difficult; and finally, e) remove Clinton�''s option of running for vice president.

If she thinks it over, running for vice president has significant advantages for Clinton. It may not be as historic as being the first woman president, but it is historic. Should Obama fail to win, very few, if any, significant candidates would oppose her for the 2012 nomination. If he wins, the fastest path to the big job is still the vice presidency. Beyond that, Al Gore and Dick Cheney have made the vice presidency a real job where Clinton could pursue major policy goals including another run at healthcare.

Now look at the alternatives. Does Clinton really want to hang around the Senate waiting to be majority leader? Harry Reid isn't going anywhere and anyway there are others in line before her. Governor of New York is a sinkhole of corruption. All of which should be second to the thought of going back to the Senate as junior to �"Senior Senator for Life�" Chuck Schumer, knowing on a good day the best you can do is get another post office for the Finger Lakes.

Please think it over, Hillary. You'�'re a good politician, married to a master politician. In your hearts you know what is written here makes political sense.

Bob Beckel managed Walter Mondale’s 1984 presidential campaign. He is a senior political analyst for the Fox News Channel and a columnist for USA Today. Beckel is the co-author with Cal Thomas of the book "Common Ground."

Copyright 2008, Real Clear Politics

Page Printed from: http://www.realclearpolitics.com/articles/2008/03/clinton_obama_need_to_cool_it.html at March

Saturday, March 22, 2008

From MSN

First Photos of J.Lo's Twins Revealed

By Kat Giantis
Special to MSN Entertainment

Custom-made fur wraps from Dolce & Gabbana. Silver Cross prams (retail price: $3,500 a pop). Silver rattles sitting atop silver platters. A chandelier in the nursery. A butler.

Such is the lap of luxury that cushions the twins of Jennifer Lopez and Marc Anthony, who, for a rumored $6 million, gave People magazine an intimate peek into their stately, diaper-centric lives.

In the much-touted exclusive, the couple is pictured in a variety of softly lit, sumptuous poses with tots Maximilian David and Emme Maribel, who arrived via C-section Feb. 22.

Among the shots: Lopez looking picture-perfect in a dusty-pink gown and sculpted coif as she feeds one of the infants, and the parents exuberantly pushing the swanky strollers outside their Long Island, N.Y., estate while sporting matching pink ensembles.

"I think I've had a pretty great life so far, but there are moments of magic in your life," swoons Jennifer. "And I think this is going to always be remembered by me as the most magical time."

The duo's domestic bliss comes through during the interview. Here are some of the highlights:

On the conception: "It was natural," says Lopez. "We didn't do in vitro, which I know was reported. Everybody assumed that, because we had twins. I wanted to have a baby, but I've always said exactly what I said all those years they asked us since we've been married: 'Well, when are you guys gonna have some kids?' 'When it happens naturally, I guess!' And that's when it happened. It was a surprise to us."

On her fears it wouldn't happen: "You start getting older, you think to yourself, maybe [having kids] is just not meant for me," she admits. "I knew there was nothing wrong with me. I knew that I could. Deep down, I really wanted it badly." Anthony, however, had no doubts: "It never even entered my mind that it would never happen."

On what they would have done if it didn't happen: "You know, I have three stepchildren [Arianna, 13, Cristian, 7, and Ryan, 4], too," says Jen. "We were really enjoying our lives, and we have Marc's kids that we get to enjoy. They're angels. But I would never rule out adoption."

On discovering they were expecting: "I was in Portugal," remembers Lopez, "performing and dancing my ass off ... " During a phone call with Anthony, he told her, "Baby, I have a sense!" Still, two positive pregnancy tests failed to convince her. "I think I really got to a point where I was like, 'This is not gonna happen for me,'" she acknowledges. "[But by the third test I took] it was right there in my face. At that point, I looked and I said, 'Marc, could this be me?' I had tears in my eyes."

On discovering they were expecting double bundles of joy: "Marc started crying ... and I started giggling," Lopez says. "I knew twins ran in my family, and we always joked, 'Who do you think is going to have the twins?' So, of course, all my sisters were like, 'It's you, it's you!'"

Preparing for Max and Emme's arrival: "An hour before we go to the hospital, she's decorating the bedroom downstairs, making sure that the carpet is in, rearranging the furniture," marvels Marc. "I said, 'Honey, you're going to give birth in about two hours.' And she's like, 'Yeah, yeah, yeah, but that chair in the corner ... ' I said, 'Baby, we have to go!'"

On the complication-free delivery: "It went very fast," recalls Lopez. "There's this intense fear and intense anticipation. [Then] they showed us the babies. We look to the right, and there's Emme, screaming with her arms up. They're holding her around her chest." Max made his debut a minute later. "I said, 'She looks like you! He looks like you, too!'" she laughs. "The doctor said, 'Did Jennifer get a gene in here or what?'" Chimes in Marc, "And from that moment, the love affair started." Sighs J.Lo, "All I could say was, 'Thank you, God.' I just kept saying it over and over and over."

On documenting their arrival for posterity: "I kept a video diary," says Marc, "and we filmed everything. I wanted to do a little time capsule for the babies."

On her decision not to breast-feed: "My mom didn't breast-feed, and I think that was the thing for me. You read and figure out what's the best thing for them."

On the connection she feels to the twins: "Your heart is connected to them. It feels like there's a string from my chest to theirs," she gushes. "I miss feeling them inside of me. It's funny -- when their little umbilical cords fell off, I cried. That was the last attachment we had where it was just us."

On her body's changing shape during pregnancy: "I gained a good amount of weight, which I was focused on because twins can sometimes have low birth weight. I gained 45-50 lbs., a lot for my frame, but for twins it's right on."

On the postdelivery deflation: "It's amazing how your stomach just goes, 'Boop,' and it's this jiggly mass. It's funny!" shares Jennifer of her twin skin. "I even play with my little leftover belly, you know? I had to lie in bed towards the end, for four hours a day to put my feet up. But I was very active through the pregnancy."

On her shape-up plans: Lopez says she's hoping to do a triathlon in the fall, explaining, "I want the babies to be proud of their mom."

On mastering diaper changes: "He's the best," boasts Lopez of her hubby. "He puts the help that we have [two round-the-clock baby nurses] to shame."

On the differences between the twins: "Max was very tranquil right from the start. Emme just wouldn't sleep after being born," says Lopez, who answers in the affirmative when asked if they'll be baptized ("Yes -- for sure"). "Emme is a total girl. You take off her clothes and she covers up, and her hands are very feminine. And she has more hair than him. And he is like a tank, with these little arms ... "

On adjusting to motherhood: "I knew I'd be protective. I knew I'd love them intensely and passionately enough to stay up for the first three days after giving birth, because I just wanted to keep staring at them," reveals Jennifer. "[But] I've been very career-oriented my whole life and very focused on my own world and my own life, and all of a sudden the focus just shifts. It's like, 'Whoosh!' I want to do everything for them."

On her total baby euphoria: "Having children is the biggest thing that can happen, I think, to a woman. You win an Oscar, get nominated for a Golden Globe -- you know, whatever things you think are big -- I can't even think of anything that can match the actual miracle of giving birth and having your own child. It's beyond anything you could ever imagine."


Friday, March 21, 2008

From RCP.

The Shift to Hillary

By Mark Penn

To: Interested Parties
From: Mark Penn, Chief Strategist
Date: Thursday, March 20, 2008
Re: Polling Memo �" The Shift to Hillary

There are some pretty big changes happening out there with the voters. Barack Obama recently declared himself the frontrunner in the race, although there are 10 contests remaining and MI and FL have not yet been decided. But a look at the polls shows that Sen. Obama’s lead nationally with Democrats has been evaporating. The Gallup daily tracking poll shows Hillary leading Sen. Obama among Democrats by 7 points, and the latest Zogby/Reuters poll has Sen. Obama’s lead down from 14 points last month to just 3 points now. This suggests a strong swing in momentum in the race to Hillary since the Texas and Ohio primaries earlier this month.

The more that the voters learn about Barack Obama, the more his ability to beat John McCain is declining compared to Hillary. For a long time we have explained that poll numbers for a candidate who has not yet been vetted or tested are not firm numbers, and we are beginning to see that clearly. Just a month ago, the Obama campaign claimed that the polls showed Barack Obama doing better than Hillary against Sen. McCain. Now such numbers are a lot harder to find.

In the latest USA Today/Gallup poll, Hillary leads John McCain by 5 points (Hillary 51 / McCain 46) while Sen. Obama is only 2 points ahead of Sen. McCain (Obama 49 / McCain 47). This is a reversal from February, when Sen. McCain led Hillary by 4 points. The latest CNN poll also shows that Hillary leads Sen. McCain by a bigger margin than Barack Obama.

In several key states, Hillary is a stronger general election candidate than Barack Obama against John McCain. For example, the latest Survey USA poll has Hillary leading Sen. McCain by 6 points in Ohio while Sen. Obama trails Sen. McCain by 7 points. In Kentucky, Hillary’s margin against Sen. McCain is 26 points better than Barack Obama’s. In Missouri, Sen. Obama lags John McCain by 14 points while Hillary comes within 2 points of Sen. McCain. In Florida, the latest PPP poll shows Barack Obama losing to John McCain by 11 points while Hillary comes within 4 points of Sen. McCain. Last week's University of Central Arkansas poll showed Hillary leading Sen. Sen. McCain by 15 points in that state while Sen. Obama trails Sen. McCain by 16 points. And the latest Rasmussen poll showed Hillary leading Sen. McCain by 11 points in New Jersey while Sen. Obama trails Sen. McCain by 2 points.

Moreover, 24 percent of Florida Democrats say that if Florida's delegates are not counted at the Democratic convention in August, they are less likely to vote for a Democrat in November, according to the latest St. Petersburg Times/Bay News 9/Miami Herald poll. Since Florida is the single largest and most important swing state in the country and nearly 1.8 million Florida Democrats voted in the January primary, Democrats must find a solution to allow Florida's delegates to count if we are to have any hope of winning in November.

And in the crucial state of Pennsylvania �" the next Democratic primary battleground and the biggest state which has not yet voted �" the latest Quinnipiac poll shows Hillary doubling her Democratic primary lead over Barack Obama from 6 points to 12 points. In Pennsylvania, Hillary improved among men, maintained her 24 point advantage among women, and improved among younger, older, more educated and less educated voters. She leads in every region across the state (NE, SE, NW, SW, Central, Alleghany) with the exception of Philadelphia.

Ultimately, this Democratic nominating process is meant to select the candidate who will: a) be the best president �" the best commander-in-chief, steward of the economy, and exercise leadership; b) defeat John McCain; and c) promote and defend core Democratic principles such as universal health care. On all three fronts, Hillary is the best choice for the Democratic Party.

Hillary is the runaway leader on most qualified to be commander-in-chief. In the Ohio exit poll, 60 percent of Democratic primary voters said Hillary was most qualified to be commander-in-chief, compared with 37 percent for Barack Obama. In Texas, she led by 16 points, and in most other states, she led by 10 points or more. She also won among those who said the economy was the most important issue �" by 12 points in Ohio, for example. And in the latest CNN poll, more voters say Hillary would do a good job on the economy than Barack Obama or John McCain. Finally, in the latest USA Today/Gallup poll, Hillary leads Barack Obama on strong and decisive leadership, managing the government effectively and having a clear plan for solving the country’s problems.

Mark Penn is chief strategist for Hillary Clinton's presidential campaign.
Page Printed from: http://www.realclearpolitics.com/articles/2008/03/the_shift_to_hillary.html at March 21, 2008 - 03:45:26 AM PDT

From Washington Post

The Speech: A Brilliant Fraud

By Charles Krauthammer

WASHINGTON -- The beauty of a speech is that you don't just give the answers, you provide your own questions. "Did I ever hear him make remarks that could be considered controversial while I sat in church? Yes." So said Barack Obama, in his Philadelphia speech about his pastor, friend, mentor and spiritual adviser of 20 years, Jeremiah Wright.

An interesting, if belated, admission. But the more important question is: which "controversial" remarks?

Wright's assertion from the pulpit that the U.S. government invented the HIV virus "as a means of genocide against people of color"? Wright's claim that America was morally responsible for 9/11 -- "chickens coming home to roost" -- because of, among other crimes, Hiroshima and Nagasaki? (Obama says he missed church that day. Had he never heard about it?)

What about the charge that the U.S. government (of Franklin Roosevelt, mind you) knew about Pearl Harbor, but lied about it? Or that the government gives drugs to black people, presumably to enslave and imprison them?

Obama condemns such statements as wrong and divisive, then frames the next question: "There will no doubt be those for whom my statements of condemnation are not enough. Why associate myself with Reverend Wright in the first place, they may ask? Why not join another church?"

But that is not the question. The question is why didn't he leave that church? Why didn't he leave -- why doesn't he leave even today -- a pastor who thundered not once but three times from the pulpit (on a DVD the church proudly sells) "God damn America"? Obama's 5,000-word speech, fawned over as a great meditation on race, is little more than an elegantly crafted, brilliantly sophistic justification of that scandalous dereliction.

His defense rests on two central propositions: (a) moral equivalence, and (b) white guilt.

(a) Moral equivalence. Sure, says Obama, there's Wright, but at the other "end of the spectrum" there's Geraldine Ferraro, opponents of affirmative action and his own white grandmother, "who once confessed her fear of black men who passed by her on the street, and who on more than one occasion has uttered racial or ethnic stereotypes that made me cringe." But did she shout them in a crowded theater to incite, enrage and poison others?

"I can no more disown (Wright) than I can my white grandmother." What exactly was grandma's offense? Jesse Jackson himself once admitted to the fear he feels from the footsteps of black men on the street. And Harry Truman was known to use epithets for blacks and Jews in private, yet is revered for desegregating the armed forces and recognizing the first Jewish state since Jesus' time. He never spread racial hatred. Nor did grandma.

Yet Obama compares her to Wright. Does he not see the moral difference between the occasional private expression of the prejudices of one's time and the use of a public stage to spread racial lies and race hatred?

(b) White guilt. Obama's purpose in the speech was to put Wright's outrages in context. By context, Obama means history. And by history, he means the history of white racism. Obama says, "We do not need to recite here the history of racial injustice in this country," and then proceeds to do precisely that. And what lies at the end of his recital of the long train of white racial assaults from slavery to employment discrimination? Jeremiah Wright, of course.

This contextual analysis of Wright's venom, this extenuation of black hate speech as a product of white racism, is not new. It's the Jesse Jackson politics of racial grievance, expressed in Ivy League diction and Harvard Law nuance. That's why the speech made so many liberal commentators swoon: It bathed them in racial guilt, while flattering their intellectual pretensions. An unbeatable combination.

But Obama was supposed to be new. He flatters himself as a man of the future transcending the anger of the past as represented by his beloved pastor. Obama then waxes rhapsodic about the hope brought by the new consciousness of the young people in his campaign.

Then answer this, senator: If Wright is a man of the past, why would you expose your children to his vitriolic divisiveness? This is a man who curses America and who proclaimed moral satisfaction in the deaths of 3,000 innocents at a time when their bodies were still being sought at Ground Zero. It is not just the older congregants who stand and cheer and roar in wild approval of Wright's rants, but young people as well. Why did you give $22,500 just two years ago to a church run by a man of the past who infects the younger generation with precisely the racial attitudes and animus you say you have come unto us to transcend?